Saint Joan of Arc (Jeanne la Pucelle): Difference between revisions
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Or perhaps "Arc" really does mean "arrow," as the Hebrew word for which we translate in [https://bible.usccb.org/bible/genesis/9?12 Genesis 9:12] as "rainbow". As explained by Biblical scholars,<ref>[https://netbible.org/bible/Genesis+9 Genesis 9 | Lumina (netbible.org)]</ref> <blockquote>The Hebrew word קֶשֶׁת (qeshet) normally refers to a warrior’s bow. Some understand this to mean that God the warrior hangs up his battle bow at the end of the flood, indicating he is now at peace with humankind, but others question the legitimacy of this proposal.</blockquote>Running with that typology, with Joan's role fulfilled, after her death she earned the sobriquet, "Arc" for "arrow" or "rainbow," marking her victory for France. In Genesis, it's a logical use for "rainbow," as the atmospheric event typically follows a storm, and God marks the Noahic covenant by putting down the weapon he had used to cleanse the world of sin. I'm not claiming this is the case, but we're operating here on the principle that with God "all things are possible,"<ref>[https://bible.usccb.org/bible/matthew/19?26 Matthew 19:26]</ref> i.e. when he wants it, there are no coincidences. | Or perhaps "Arc" really does mean "arrow," as the Hebrew word for which we translate in [https://bible.usccb.org/bible/genesis/9?12 Genesis 9:12] as "rainbow". As explained by Biblical scholars,<ref>[https://netbible.org/bible/Genesis+9 Genesis 9 | Lumina (netbible.org)]</ref> <blockquote>The Hebrew word קֶשֶׁת (qeshet) normally refers to a warrior’s bow. Some understand this to mean that God the warrior hangs up his battle bow at the end of the flood, indicating he is now at peace with humankind, but others question the legitimacy of this proposal.</blockquote>Running with that typology, with Joan's role fulfilled, after her death she earned the sobriquet, "Arc" for "arrow" or "rainbow," marking her victory for France. In Genesis, it's a logical use for "rainbow," as the atmospheric event typically follows a storm, and God marks the Noahic covenant by putting down the weapon he had used to cleanse the world of sin. I'm not claiming this is the case, but we're operating here on the principle that with God "all things are possible,"<ref>[https://bible.usccb.org/bible/matthew/19?26 Matthew 19:26]</ref> i.e. when he wants it, there are no coincidences. | ||
The name of Joan's village, Domrémy, has a possible Roman origin, ''Domnus Remigius'', which would have placed it under the | The name of Joan's village, Domrémy, has a possible Roman origin, ''Domnus Remigius'', which would have placed it under the authority of Saint Rémi (''Remiguis''), Bishop of Reims, who baptized Clovis -- thus circling back to a fundamental goal of Saint Joan to coronate the King of France, Charles VII, at Reims where, along with Clovis' baptism, Philip II, the first "King of France," was coronated, setting the precedent. On a similar note, Joan testified that girls in her village did not use their paternal surname and instead used that of the mother. Hers was Romée, which makes for an interesting connection in that the name derives from "Rome," indicating a pilgrimage to Rome at some point by an ancestor.<ref>[https://archive.org/details/joanofarclegendr0000gies/page/9/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : the legend and the reality : Gies, Frances (archive.org)] p. 9</ref> Along with the possible Roman etymological origin to her village name, Domrémy, the connection to Rome becomes interesting insofar as at her trial by the English Joan stood resoundingly for the Roman Pope over the schismatic antipope who had been supported alternately by the warring factions in France, as well as relates to her request, like Saint Paul appealing to Caesar, of an audience before, the Pope in Rome.<ref>Joan told the court, "On what I know touching the Case, I will speak the truth willingly; I will tell you as much as I would to the Pope of Rome, if I were before him" (Murray, p 33), and later replied to the question, "Does it not seem to you that you are bound to reply more fully to our Lord the Pope, the Vicar of God, on all that might be asked you touching the Faith and the matter of your conscience, than you should to us?" replying, "Very well; let me be taken before him, and I will answer before him all I ought to answer." (Murray p. 91; this exchange was recalled years later by Ysambard de la Pierre in oral testimony at the Trial of Rehabilitation; Murray, p. 189).</ref> | ||
Such connections may or may not mean anything, but we ought to acknowledge them. | Such connections may or may not mean anything, but we ought to acknowledge them. | ||
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When Pope Leo III crowned Charlemagne ''Imperator Romanorum'' (emperor of the Romans) in 800, he crowned the Frankish king Charles (Carolus, Karlus) king of western Christianity, creating what would later become the Holy Roman Empire. In submitting as vassal to the Pope, Charlemagne legitimized both his own rule and that of Roman Catholicism across his empire.<ref>which is why his reign is considered the precursor to the Holy Roman Empire</ref> Among the religious legacies of Charlemagne was the practice of the laity of memorizing and reciting the Our Father prayer and the Apostle's Creed with the ''filioque''<ref>''filioque'' means "and the son" and is spoken in the Nicene Creed's "I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son" The ''filioque'' marks a theological division between the Eastern and Western Churches (which Charlemagne's coronation itself propelled, as his empire challenged Byzantine power). The ''filioque'' was traditionally used and was formally added to the Roman Rite in 1014.</ref> and the traditional singing of "Noel" at coronations in honor of Charlemagne's coronation by the Pope on Christmas Day. | When Pope Leo III crowned Charlemagne ''Imperator Romanorum'' (emperor of the Romans) in 800, he crowned the Frankish king Charles (Carolus, Karlus) king of western Christianity, creating what would later become the Holy Roman Empire. In submitting as vassal to the Pope, Charlemagne legitimized both his own rule and that of Roman Catholicism across his empire.<ref>which is why his reign is considered the precursor to the Holy Roman Empire</ref> Among the religious legacies of Charlemagne was the practice of the laity of memorizing and reciting the Our Father prayer and the Apostle's Creed with the ''filioque''<ref>''filioque'' means "and the son" and is spoken in the Nicene Creed's "I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son" The ''filioque'' marks a theological division between the Eastern and Western Churches (which Charlemagne's coronation itself propelled, as his empire challenged Byzantine power). The ''filioque'' was traditionally used and was formally added to the Roman Rite in 1014.</ref> and the traditional singing of "Noel" at coronations in honor of Charlemagne's coronation by the Pope on Christmas Day. | ||
Saint Louis was the French King Louis IX (reigned 1226-1270). Crowned at | Saint Louis was the French King Louis IX (reigned 1226-1270). Crowned at Reims,<ref>or Reims. I'm using "Rheims" because medieval French speakers liked their H's. I'm just speculating, but it's possible that the H in Rheims was aspirated, i.e. pronounced, so perhaps the dropped H marks a change in the pronunciation of the city's name. "Rheims" is the English (England) spelling, as seen by the "Douai-Rheims Bible." The French language Wikipedia entry on Reims ([https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reims here]) notes that "Rheims" is "orthographe ancienne".</ref> he ruled as a devout and pious Christian to such extent that he was canonized not long after his death. Louis' reign was marked by consistent protection of the clergy and Church from secular rule and strict allegiance to the papacy.<ref>From [https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09368a.htm CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: St. Louis IX] | ||
"St. Louis's relations with the Church of France and the papal Court have excited widely divergent interpretations and opinions. However, all historians agree that St. Louis and the successive popes united to protect the clergy of France from the encroachments or molestations of the barons and royal officers. </ref> He is considered the quintessential "Christian" -- but more correctly, Catholic, king.<ref>It was Saint Louis who acquired the Crown of Thorns. He got it from the Emperor of Constantinople in exchange for paying off the emperor's tremendous debt of135,000 livres to a Venetian merchant. In an exemplary Christian act, Louis IX fined the Lord of Coucy 12,000 livers (a lot!) for hanging three poachers and had part of the money dedicated to Masses in perpetuity for the souls of the Count's three victims. </ref> As for historical context regarding Joan, in 1259 he consolidated French rule over Normandy at the Treaty of Paris with English King Henry III. Some historians attribute Louis' concession of Duchy of Guyenne to the English under French vassalage to the outbreak of the Hundred Years War, but there is no direct causality to make that connection, and even if there was any unfinished business Louis preferred settlement over continued war.<ref>A few years before, 1258, Louis settled a dispute with the King of Aragon by trading respective feudal lordship over regions in Spain and France. As to the treaty with the English, French historian Édouard Perroy argued that the vassal status of English lands negotiated in the Treaty of Paris was unsustainable and caused discontent and instability that led to the Hundred Years War. Maybe. Here from the [https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09368a.htm CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: St. Louis IX] | "St. Louis's relations with the Church of France and the papal Court have excited widely divergent interpretations and opinions. However, all historians agree that St. Louis and the successive popes united to protect the clergy of France from the encroachments or molestations of the barons and royal officers. </ref> He is considered the quintessential "Christian" -- but more correctly, Catholic, king.<ref>It was Saint Louis who acquired the Crown of Thorns. He got it from the Emperor of Constantinople in exchange for paying off the emperor's tremendous debt of135,000 livres to a Venetian merchant. In an exemplary Christian act, Louis IX fined the Lord of Coucy 12,000 livers (a lot!) for hanging three poachers and had part of the money dedicated to Masses in perpetuity for the souls of the Count's three victims. </ref> As for historical context regarding Joan, in 1259 he consolidated French rule over Normandy at the Treaty of Paris with English King Henry III. Some historians attribute Louis' concession of Duchy of Guyenne to the English under French vassalage to the outbreak of the Hundred Years War, but there is no direct causality to make that connection, and even if there was any unfinished business Louis preferred settlement over continued war.<ref>A few years before, 1258, Louis settled a dispute with the King of Aragon by trading respective feudal lordship over regions in Spain and France. As to the treaty with the English, French historian Édouard Perroy argued that the vassal status of English lands negotiated in the Treaty of Paris was unsustainable and caused discontent and instability that led to the Hundred Years War. Maybe. Here from the [https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09368a.htm CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: St. Louis IX] | ||
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If Joan's mission was to save France, Philip II (reigned 1165-1223) would have been the better intercessor, not Charlemagne or his grandson St. Louis, for Charlemagne's empire extended across Germany, and while Saint Louis extended French sovereignty, it was Philip who created the modern France that Joan defended.<ref>or Charles V who recovered much of France in the second phase of the Hundred Years War in the 1370s.</ref> Philip was the first to declare himself "King of France." Now, Philip was no Saint, as they say, so in Saints Charlemagne and Louis IX, perhaps Joan was appealing more to the Roman Catholic France than to the territorial one. Or, in that Joan's exhortation to the Bastard was about Orléans and not France, perhaps "the prayer of St. Louis and of St. Charlemagne" was just for the city. But Orléans was the key to it all, for as went Orléans, so went France -- and, ultimately, French Catholicism. | If Joan's mission was to save France, Philip II (reigned 1165-1223) would have been the better intercessor, not Charlemagne or his grandson St. Louis, for Charlemagne's empire extended across Germany, and while Saint Louis extended French sovereignty, it was Philip who created the modern France that Joan defended.<ref>or Charles V who recovered much of France in the second phase of the Hundred Years War in the 1370s.</ref> Philip was the first to declare himself "King of France." Now, Philip was no Saint, as they say, so in Saints Charlemagne and Louis IX, perhaps Joan was appealing more to the Roman Catholic France than to the territorial one. Or, in that Joan's exhortation to the Bastard was about Orléans and not France, perhaps "the prayer of St. Louis and of St. Charlemagne" was just for the city. But Orléans was the key to it all, for as went Orléans, so went France -- and, ultimately, French Catholicism. | ||
The French King Charles V (reigned 1364-1380)<ref>There were six Charles's, actually, going back to Charlemagne, but he considered himself the fifth "Charles" of France. He was the first Charles to use a "regnal number," which is probably why he took number "V" since it looks cooler than "VI." Just a guess. The earlier Charles's were then designated a number, from Charles I, Charlemagne, through to Charles IV "The Fair" in order to line up with Charles V, skipping the third Charles who is stuck with "Charles the Fat." </ref> promoted veneration of Charlemagne, including to dedicate a chapel to him at Saint Denis with an elaborate reliquary, which treated him like a Saint. The city of Reims maintained a cult of Charlemagne and actively supported his canonization by the antipope Paschall III in 1165.<ref>The Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I, or Barbarossa (reigned 1155-1190), orchestrated the canonization of Charlemagne at Aachen in Germany under the antipope Paschal III. Holy Roman Emperors had a bit of a habit of appointing antipopes (popes in their eyes), which asserted their power and that of their supporting bishops. With his long reign, Barbarossa backed four antipopes to oppose Pope Alexander III (1159-1181), but he was unable to outmaneuver Alexander, who gained the upper hand when kings of England, France and Hungry backed him, largely by way of contesting Holy Roman Empire's hold on Italy. (Alexander III spent most of his papacy outside of Rome.) Barbarossa capitulated after his forces were defeated by the Lombard League, which supported Alexander, at the Battle of Legnano in northern Italy in 1176. Alexander consolidated his papal rule at the Third Council of Lateran in 1179, which formally brought an end to the schisms.</ref> After resolving the 12th century schism of antipopes aligned with the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick I ("Barbarossa"), Pope Alexander III annulled their papal acts, which included the canonization of Charlemagne.<ref>Pope Alexander III nullified the acts of Barbarossa's antipopes, including that of Paschall III to canonize Charlemagne. Alexander also forced the English Henry II into a year of penitence for the murder of Samuel Becket, who was canonized by Alexander shortly after his death in 1170. </ref> So we can't say that it was of regional tradition or a remnant of the revoked canonization that Joan invoked, but we do know that when referring to "Saint Charlemagne" prior to Orléans, Joan was under the guidance of her Voices. She invoked their names for a reason. | The French King Charles V (reigned 1364-1380)<ref>There were six Charles's, actually, going back to Charlemagne, but he considered himself the fifth "Charles" of France. He was the first Charles to use a "regnal number," which is probably why he took number "V" since it looks cooler than "VI." Just a guess. The earlier Charles's were then designated a number, from Charles I, Charlemagne, through to Charles IV "The Fair" in order to line up with Charles V, skipping the third Charles who is stuck with "Charles the Fat." </ref> promoted veneration of Charlemagne, including to dedicate a chapel to him at Saint Denis with an elaborate reliquary, which treated him like a Saint. The city of Reims maintained a cult of Charlemagne and actively supported his canonization by the antipope Paschall III in 1165.<ref>The Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I, or Barbarossa (reigned 1155-1190), orchestrated the canonization of Charlemagne at Aachen in Germany under the antipope Paschal III. Holy Roman Emperors had a bit of a habit of appointing antipopes (popes in their eyes), which asserted their power and that of their supporting bishops. With his long reign, Barbarossa backed four antipopes to oppose Pope Alexander III (1159-1181), but he was unable to outmaneuver Alexander, who gained the upper hand when kings of England, France and Hungry backed him, largely by way of contesting Holy Roman Empire's hold on Italy. (Alexander III spent most of his papacy outside of Rome.) Barbarossa capitulated after his forces were defeated by the Lombard League, which supported Alexander, at the Battle of Legnano in northern Italy in 1176. Alexander consolidated his papal rule at the Third Council of Lateran in 1179, which formally brought an end to the schisms.</ref> After resolving the 12th century schism of antipopes aligned with the Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick I ("Barbarossa"), Pope Alexander III annulled their papal acts, which included the canonization of Charlemagne.<ref>Pope Alexander III nullified the acts of Barbarossa's antipopes, including that of Paschall III to canonize Charlemagne. Alexander also forced the English Henry II into a year of penitence for the murder of Samuel Becket, who was canonized by Alexander shortly after his death in 1170. </ref> So we can't say that it was of regional tradition or a remnant of the revoked canonization that Joan invoked, but we do know that when referring to "Saint Charlemagne" prior to Orléans, Joan was under the guidance of her Voices. She invoked their names for a reason.<ref>And what of Saint Denis, then? Joan was asked by the Rouen court if Saint Denis had visited her: " Has Saint Denis appeared to you sometimes ? " "Not that I know." (Murray p. 62) Saint Denis is an iconic French figure, but he lived in the 3rd century before even the Frankish kingdom, under Roman rule.</ref> | ||
== Joan the peasant girl == | == Joan the peasant girl == | ||
Let's next place Saint Joan's childhood within the context of the story. | Let's next place Saint Joan's childhood within the context of the story. | ||
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Her extraordinary piety that was noted by her contemporaries in the village was from after her visions started. Before then, she was like any other child: <blockquote>Ever since I knew that it was necessary for me to come into France, I have given myself up as little as possible to these games and distractions. Since I was grown up, I do not remember to have danced there. I may have danced there formerly, with the other children. I have sung there more than danced. </blockquote>Joan's Voices would frequently accompany the ringing of the bells, and if the bells were late, Joan would chide the boy responsible for ringing them for being inattentive.<ref>The bell-ringer, Perrin le Drapier, testified, "When I forgot to ring for Service, Jeanne scolded me, saying I had done wrong; and she promised to give me some of the wool of her flock if I would ring more diligently" (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 219)</ref> A contemporary recalled,<ref>Testimony at the Trial of Rehabilitation by J W , labourer, of Greux (from Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 220)</ref> <blockquote>I saw Jeannette very often. In our childhood, we often followed together her father’s plough, and we went together with the other children of the village to the meadows or pastures. Often, when we were all at play, Jeannette would retire alone to “talk with God.” I and the others laughed at her for this. She was simple and good, frequenting the Church and Holy places. Often, when she was in the fields and heard the bells ring, she would drop on her knees. </blockquote>Another aspect of her personality her contemporaries noted was her kindliness and generosity.<ref>Pierre le Drapier, of Domremy testified, "She was very charitable." (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 219). Mengette, also from Domemy, observed, "She was a good Christian, of good manners and well brought up. She loved the Church, and went there often, and gave alms from the goods of her father" (same, p. 222). Simonin Musnier recalled, "I was brought up with Jeannette, close to her house. I know that she was good, simple and pious, and that she feared God and the Saints. She loved Church and Holy places; she was very charitable, and liked to take care of the sick. I know this of a surety, for in my childhood, I fell ill, and it was she who nursed me. When the Church bells rang, I have seen her kneel down and make the sign of the Cross" (same, p. 221-2)</ref> Her father's house stood on an ancient road, and received passersby frequently, for whom Joan gave up her bed, or according to one witness from Domremy, for the poor.<ref>From Isaballette, wife of Gerardin, a labourer, of Epinal: "She was very hospitable to the poor, and would even sleep on the hearth in order that the poor might lie in her bed" (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 222_</ref> Later, during preparations for the march on Orléans, as related by her confessor throughout her military campaigns, an Augustinian friar named Jean Pasquerel,<ref>Testimony at Trial of Rehabilitation of Brother Jean Pasqueral (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 284). The friar's testimony is incredibly valuable for understanding Saint Joan, for as her confessor he was as close to her as anyone. He testified, " When Jeanne left Tours to go to Orleans, she prayed me not to forsake her, and to remain always with her as her Confessor; this I promised to do." (p. 284)</ref> <blockquote>She was, indeed, very pious towards God and the Blessed Mary, confessing nearly every day and communicating frequently. When she was in a neighbourhood where there was a Convent of Mendicant Friars, she told me to remind her of the day when the children of the poor received the Eucharist, so that she might receive it with them; and this she did often: when she confessed herself she wept. </blockquote> | Her extraordinary piety that was noted by her contemporaries in the village was from after her visions started. Before then, she was like any other child: <blockquote>Ever since I knew that it was necessary for me to come into France, I have given myself up as little as possible to these games and distractions. Since I was grown up, I do not remember to have danced there. I may have danced there formerly, with the other children. I have sung there more than danced. </blockquote>Joan's Voices would frequently accompany the ringing of the bells, and if the bells were late, Joan would chide the boy responsible for ringing them for being inattentive.<ref>The bell-ringer, Perrin le Drapier, testified, "When I forgot to ring for Service, Jeanne scolded me, saying I had done wrong; and she promised to give me some of the wool of her flock if I would ring more diligently" (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 219)</ref> A contemporary recalled,<ref>Testimony at the Trial of Rehabilitation by J W , labourer, of Greux (from Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 220)</ref> <blockquote>I saw Jeannette very often. In our childhood, we often followed together her father’s plough, and we went together with the other children of the village to the meadows or pastures. Often, when we were all at play, Jeannette would retire alone to “talk with God.” I and the others laughed at her for this. She was simple and good, frequenting the Church and Holy places. Often, when she was in the fields and heard the bells ring, she would drop on her knees. </blockquote>Another aspect of her personality her contemporaries noted was her kindliness and generosity.<ref>Pierre le Drapier, of Domremy testified, "She was very charitable." (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 219). Mengette, also from Domemy, observed, "She was a good Christian, of good manners and well brought up. She loved the Church, and went there often, and gave alms from the goods of her father" (same, p. 222). Simonin Musnier recalled, "I was brought up with Jeannette, close to her house. I know that she was good, simple and pious, and that she feared God and the Saints. She loved Church and Holy places; she was very charitable, and liked to take care of the sick. I know this of a surety, for in my childhood, I fell ill, and it was she who nursed me. When the Church bells rang, I have seen her kneel down and make the sign of the Cross" (same, p. 221-2)</ref> Her father's house stood on an ancient road, and received passersby frequently, for whom Joan gave up her bed, or according to one witness from Domremy, for the poor.<ref>From Isaballette, wife of Gerardin, a labourer, of Epinal: "She was very hospitable to the poor, and would even sleep on the hearth in order that the poor might lie in her bed" (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 222_</ref> Later, during preparations for the march on Orléans, as related by her confessor throughout her military campaigns, an Augustinian friar named Jean Pasquerel,<ref>Testimony at Trial of Rehabilitation of Brother Jean Pasqueral (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 284). The friar's testimony is incredibly valuable for understanding Saint Joan, for as her confessor he was as close to her as anyone. He testified, " When Jeanne left Tours to go to Orleans, she prayed me not to forsake her, and to remain always with her as her Confessor; this I promised to do." (p. 284)</ref> <blockquote>She was, indeed, very pious towards God and the Blessed Mary, confessing nearly every day and communicating frequently. When she was in a neighbourhood where there was a Convent of Mendicant Friars, she told me to remind her of the day when the children of the poor received the Eucharist, so that she might receive it with them; and this she did often: when she confessed herself she wept. </blockquote> | ||
And this | And this on the way to battle. | ||
To summarize, the young Saint Joan was illiterate, unschooled in all but the lessons of farming, wool spinning, Church, and local lore. She seems to have had a happy childhood growing up with other children who played together, joined village festivals, went to Church every week and on occasional pilgrimages. Additionally, she was compassionate and kindly. | At the Rouen trial, Joan made a revealing off-hand comment about her concern for others. The interrogation was attempting to establish that Joan had deviously fooled the people into worshipping her, an accusation included in the charges against her: <blockquote>"In what spirit did the people of your party kiss your hands and your garments ? " </blockquote>''Au contraire'', as they say, she was just being kindly. <blockquote>*' Many came to see me willingly, but they kissed my hands as little as I could help. The poor folk came to me readily, because I never did them any unkindness : on the contrary, I loved to help them."</blockquote>To summarize, the young Saint Joan was illiterate, unschooled in all but the lessons of farming, wool spinning, Church, and local lore. She seems to have had a happy childhood growing up with other children who played together, joined village festivals, went to Church every week and on occasional pilgrimages. Additionally, she was compassionate and kindly. | ||
This description of her childhood from Butler's 1894 "Lives of Saints" is apt: <blockquote>While the English were overrunning the north of France, their future conqueror, untutored in worldly wisdom, was peacefully tending her flock, and learning the wisdom of God at a wayside shrine.<ref>[https://sacred-texts.com/chr/lots/lots006.htm ''Lives of the Saints''<nowiki>, by Alban Butler, Benziger Bros. ed. [1894]</nowiki>], This is one of the first versions of Lives of Saints, which were widely distributed in 15th and 16th Century England, to include an entry on Joan. Let's say the English did not celebrate her back then...</ref></blockquote>It all changed when she was thirteen and was visited by the Archangel Saint Michael who told her from the beginning that she must go to "France" -- and to Church. The children noticed that she withdrew from their games and prayed constantly, and urged them all to go to Church. Joan testified, <blockquote>"Since I learned that I must come into France , I took as little part as possible in games or dancing. </blockquote>From then on, it was a matter of instruction and timing. | This description of her childhood from Butler's 1894 "Lives of Saints" is apt: <blockquote>While the English were overrunning the north of France, their future conqueror, untutored in worldly wisdom, was peacefully tending her flock, and learning the wisdom of God at a wayside shrine.<ref>[https://sacred-texts.com/chr/lots/lots006.htm ''Lives of the Saints''<nowiki>, by Alban Butler, Benziger Bros. ed. [1894]</nowiki>], This is one of the first versions of Lives of Saints, which were widely distributed in 15th and 16th Century England, to include an entry on Joan. Let's say the English did not celebrate her back then...</ref></blockquote>It all changed when she was thirteen and was visited by the Archangel Saint Michael who told her from the beginning that she must go to "France" -- and to Church. The children noticed that she withdrew from their games and prayed constantly, and urged them all to go to Church. Joan testified, <blockquote>"Since I learned that I must come into France , I took as little part as possible in games or dancing. </blockquote>From then on, it was a matter of instruction and timing. | ||
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At Domrémy the Meuse was yet a small river, but significant enough to contain an island that Joan's father negotiated with its landowners to use to protect and hide the villagers and their livestock during military raids during the ongoing civil war between French factions and the overall Hundred Years War between the French and English. These raids came in the late 1420s as the English expanded control of northern France.<ref>Called ''chevauchées'', these raids were designed to plunder or pillage enemy supplies and farms, as well as to punish inhabitants for supporting the opposition. Today we'd call it a "scorched earth" campaign. This tactic was introduced earlier in the Hundred Years War leading up to the Battle of Crécy by the English King Edward III, who, as the Old French term went, ''crier havot'', or "cry out pillage" ("cry out" as in to order), which became "cry havoc," and simply, "havoc," in English.</ref> | At Domrémy the Meuse was yet a small river, but significant enough to contain an island that Joan's father negotiated with its landowners to use to protect and hide the villagers and their livestock during military raids during the ongoing civil war between French factions and the overall Hundred Years War between the French and English. These raids came in the late 1420s as the English expanded control of northern France.<ref>Called ''chevauchées'', these raids were designed to plunder or pillage enemy supplies and farms, as well as to punish inhabitants for supporting the opposition. Today we'd call it a "scorched earth" campaign. This tactic was introduced earlier in the Hundred Years War leading up to the Battle of Crécy by the English King Edward III, who, as the Old French term went, ''crier havot'', or "cry out pillage" ("cry out" as in to order), which became "cry havoc," and simply, "havoc," in English.</ref> | ||
In the early 1400s, a lull in the ongoing war had heated up as Henry V of England took advantage of a breach in French factions, the Armagnacs, ultimately siding with the King of France under the House of Orléans, and the Burgundians, under the House of Burgundy, ultimately siding with the English.<ref name=":0">The two Houses were at war with one another, with the House of Orléans siding with the French and the House of Burgundy the the English. (That latter alliance nearly broke apart with the Burgundians signing a mutual defense treaty with the Dauphin, but the English restored the alliance by 1425.) The Armagnac-Burgundian civil war started over a lovers' spat or spat of jealousy with the assassination of the Duke of Orléans, Louis I in 1407. The English took advantage of the turmoil, as well as the weakness of the French King, Charles VI, "the mad" (as in insane, and he was), and invaded France, crushing them at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415. Things were nominally settled in 1420 in the Treaty of Troyes, which named the English King, Henry V the royal successor of the French King Charles VI -- and disinheriting his son, the Dauphin Charles. The Dauphin, however, organized French loyalists to dispute the Treaty, and so left the country with English control of Northern France, the Dauphin's control of central-southern France, and their respective allies with other areas in and around those two larger powers, especially in the eastern region where Joan grew up.</ref> (It's more complicated, but we can see it largely under the theory that my enemy's enemy is my friend.) By 1429, the English-Burgundian alliance was the stronger. The Duke of Burgundy held Paris, Troyes, Burgundy, and Flanders (his economic base with trade to England), as well as pockets of lands and loyalties across Champagne and Bar, admist which Domrémy lay.<ref name=":0" /> The all-important city of | In the early 1400s, a lull in the ongoing war had heated up as Henry V of England took advantage of a breach in French factions, the Armagnacs, ultimately siding with the King of France under the House of Orléans, and the Burgundians, under the House of Burgundy, ultimately siding with the English.<ref name=":0">The two Houses were at war with one another, with the House of Orléans siding with the French and the House of Burgundy the the English. (That latter alliance nearly broke apart with the Burgundians signing a mutual defense treaty with the Dauphin, but the English restored the alliance by 1425.) The Armagnac-Burgundian civil war started over a lovers' spat or spat of jealousy with the assassination of the Duke of Orléans, Louis I in 1407. The English took advantage of the turmoil, as well as the weakness of the French King, Charles VI, "the mad" (as in insane, and he was), and invaded France, crushing them at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415. Things were nominally settled in 1420 in the Treaty of Troyes, which named the English King, Henry V the royal successor of the French King Charles VI -- and disinheriting his son, the Dauphin Charles. The Dauphin, however, organized French loyalists to dispute the Treaty, and so left the country with English control of Northern France, the Dauphin's control of central-southern France, and their respective allies with other areas in and around those two larger powers, especially in the eastern region where Joan grew up.</ref> (It's more complicated, but we can see it largely under the theory that my enemy's enemy is my friend.) By 1429, the English-Burgundian alliance was the stronger. The Duke of Burgundy held Paris, Troyes, Burgundy, and Flanders (his economic base with trade to England), as well as pockets of lands and loyalties across Champagne and Bar, admist which Domrémy lay.<ref name=":0" /> The all-important city of Reims, the traditional site of coronation of the king of France, while aligned with France, was surrounded by Burgundian lands, and so the city's loyalty was uncertain. Finally, starting in late 1428, the Armagnac stronghold of Orléans, which was the doorway to lower France, risked falling to the English. [[File:France_in_1429_(Johnston).jpg|left|thumb|<small>France in 1429. Yellow is France, Red is English, Green is Burgundian. White is contested or unaligned. Note the small yellow section at Domrémy at the border of the Duchy of Lorraine. (Mediawiki Commons)</small>|296x296px]] | ||
The people of Domrémy were loyal to the French cause, which supported the son of Charles VI, called "the Dauphin", for prince or heir to the throne. The Dauphin Charles, however, was disinherited by his father, who through marriage of his daughter to the English King Henry V, gave the royal succession to Henry and his English heirs. At the near coincidental death of both kings the title passed to Henry VI, the infant king. The Dauphin, meanwhile, asserted his claim to the throne and ruled in lands loyal to him as king of France, although through ascension not coronation. | The people of Domrémy were loyal to the French cause, which supported the son of Charles VI, called "the Dauphin", for prince or heir to the throne. The Dauphin Charles, however, was disinherited by his father, who through marriage of his daughter to the English King Henry V, gave the royal succession to Henry and his English heirs. At the near coincidental death of both kings the title passed to Henry VI, the infant king. The Dauphin, meanwhile, asserted his claim to the throne and ruled in lands loyal to him as king of France, although through ascension not coronation. | ||
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== Vaucouleurs == | == Vaucouleurs == | ||
Vaucouleurs lay along the Meuse to the north of Domrémy. The city was loyal to the French cause, but was precariously located along disputed lands between France, English-aligned Burgundy, and the neutral Holy Roman Empire. The town was fortified and held by a French garrison led by Captain Robert de Baudricourt, an exceptional commander who managed to maintain his position against the Burgundians and the English. His hold on the city was due to deft negotiations as well as the city's elaborate fortifications.<ref>See [https://www.gutenberg.org/files/19488/19488-h/19488-h.htm#CHAPTER_III The Life of Joan of Arc (Contents), by Anatole France]. (p. i. 77) and [https://archive.org/details/joanofarcherstor00pern/page/17/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : her story : Pernoud, Régine], p 17 </ref> By the time Baudricourt met Joan, he had already agreed to yield official control of the city to the Burgundian, Antoine de Vergy, but had not yet handed it over. Ultimately, Baudricourt never actually ceded the city, although he was forced into a a pledge of neutrality. (Don't play poker with Baudricourt.) [[File:Treaty_of_Troyes.svg|thumb|<small>1415–1429 Territories controlled by Henry VI of England in red. Territories controlled by Philip III of Burgundy in purple. Territories controlled by Charles VII of France (previously the Dauphin) in blue.</small> <small>The dotted white line marks Joan's journey from Domrémy to Chinon, and the dotted dark blue line her raid from Orléans to | Vaucouleurs lay along the Meuse to the north of Domrémy. The city was loyal to the French cause, but was precariously located along disputed lands between France, English-aligned Burgundy, and the neutral Holy Roman Empire. The town was fortified and held by a French garrison led by Captain Robert de Baudricourt, an exceptional commander who managed to maintain his position against the Burgundians and the English. His hold on the city was due to deft negotiations as well as the city's elaborate fortifications.<ref>See [https://www.gutenberg.org/files/19488/19488-h/19488-h.htm#CHAPTER_III The Life of Joan of Arc (Contents), by Anatole France]. (p. i. 77) and [https://archive.org/details/joanofarcherstor00pern/page/17/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : her story : Pernoud, Régine], p 17 </ref> By the time Baudricourt met Joan, he had already agreed to yield official control of the city to the Burgundian, Antoine de Vergy, but had not yet handed it over. Ultimately, Baudricourt never actually ceded the city, although he was forced into a a pledge of neutrality. (Don't play poker with Baudricourt.) [[File:Treaty_of_Troyes.svg|thumb|<small>1415–1429 Territories controlled by Henry VI of England in red. Territories controlled by Philip III of Burgundy in purple. Territories controlled by Charles VII of France (previously the Dauphin) in blue.</small> <small>The dotted white line marks Joan's journey from Domrémy to Chinon, and the dotted dark blue line her raid from Orléans to Reims in 1429. (wikipedia)</small>]]Perhaps coincidentally, or not, a similar surrender to that which Baudricourt refused to conclude was submitted by one Étienne de Vignolles, who will be known to us in the story of Saint Joan as "La Hire", one of her most loyal commanders and a key warrior in the ultimate French victory in the war.<ref>La Hire died in 1443, ten years before the formal end of the war. As Captain General of Normandy led the French reconquest of the region in the late 1430s and helped with seizure of English holdings in southwestern France in 1442, where he died the next year.</ref> La Hire sported a, shall we say, vibrant personality, as did many of those who were attracted to and served her cause.<ref>Joan welcomed the enthusiastic types, such as Gaubert Thibaut, squire ot the King of France, who recalled of his first meeting her, "When we arrived at her house, Jeanne came to meet us, and striking me on the shoulder said to me that she would gladly have many men of such good-will as I." (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 265)</ref> The Burgundian official he delivered the city of Vitry to was one Pierre Cauchon, a French Bishop allied with the Burgundians and an unapologetic English-loyalist, and the very guy who orchestrated Joan's trial and execution. | ||
These odd alignments across the rejoin conjoin to form an essential contingency for Joan's mission, especially her instruction to "go to France." Situated amidst shifting and restless alliances, Baudricourt's loyalty to the Dauphin was necessary for Joan's introduction to the Dauphin.<ref>Historian Régine Pernoud agrees that without Baudricourt's introduction, the Dauphin would never have admitted her to an audience ([https://archive.org/details/joanofarcherstor00pern/page/22/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : her story : Pernoud, Régine], p 22. Of Buadrircourt, from here out we don't hear much more until his name becomes of focus in the Trials.</ref> Her voices told her to go to Vaucouleurs and that she would recognize Baudricourt once there.<ref>Joan testified, | These odd alignments across the rejoin conjoin to form an essential contingency for Joan's mission, especially her instruction to "go to France." Situated amidst shifting and restless alliances, Baudricourt's loyalty to the Dauphin was necessary for Joan's introduction to the Dauphin.<ref>Historian Régine Pernoud agrees that without Baudricourt's introduction, the Dauphin would never have admitted her to an audience ([https://archive.org/details/joanofarcherstor00pern/page/22/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : her story : Pernoud, Régine], p 22. Of Buadrircourt, from here out we don't hear much more until his name becomes of focus in the Trials.</ref> Her voices told her to go to Vaucouleurs and that she would recognize Baudricourt once there.<ref>Joan testified, | ||
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== Saint Joan's moment == | == Saint Joan's moment == | ||
Joan's moment was made possible by Joan's delivery of Orlėans, the "sign" she had promised the "Doctors" at Poitiers. The importance of Orlėans was easy to understand.<ref>Well, most historians would agree. For those who do not, see [https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b007l3yq BBC In Our Time, The Siege of Orleans] episode, May 25, 2007 (accessed 1/4/2025) in which military Historian Matthew Bennett claims that the English "just needed to be pushed" (min. 28:34), which he said was "as Anne has suggested," in reference to fellow historian, Anne Curry, who earlier claimed that the English were weakened by the loss of their commander, the Earl of Salisbury, who was killed in October of 1429, half a year before the arrival of Joan (min 6:09). Curry also adheres to the unsupported theory that Joan did not act upon her own volition, and was instead "set up" for by political players (min. 15:02).</ref> But the need for the coronation at | Joan's moment was made possible by Joan's delivery of Orlėans, the "sign" she had promised the "Doctors" at Poitiers. The importance of Orlėans was easy to understand.<ref>Well, most historians would agree. For those who do not, see [https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b007l3yq BBC In Our Time, The Siege of Orleans] episode, May 25, 2007 (accessed 1/4/2025) in which military Historian Matthew Bennett claims that the English "just needed to be pushed" (min. 28:34), which he said was "as Anne has suggested," in reference to fellow historian, Anne Curry, who earlier claimed that the English were weakened by the loss of their commander, the Earl of Salisbury, who was killed in October of 1429, half a year before the arrival of Joan (min 6:09). Curry also adheres to the unsupported theory that Joan did not act upon her own volition, and was instead "set up" for by political players (min. 15:02).</ref> But the need for the coronation at Reims was unclear. Sure, it was the traditional site of French coronations, and so held symbolic value. But, as the Dauphin and his advisors argued, it wasn't necessary, and could wait. The Dauphin was already King of France, Charles VII, having claimed the title at the death of his father in 1422,<ref>At that moment, Charles the Dauphin exercised audacious leadership as he asserted his authority and gathered the support of the Avignon faction.</ref> in what is called, without a coronation, "ascension" to the throne. There would normally be as little delay as possible between an ascension and coronation,<ref>Child kings would have to wait, such as Edward II of England.</ref> but the symbolism of the coronation was not necessary to hold the throne, and for the besieged House of Valois it wasn't convenient to adhere to the tradition. Indeed, Joan's insistence must have been most discomfiting, as it raised an issue they didn't want to face. | ||
Nevertheless, as a religious ceremony affirming the divine rights of kings, the coronation was supremely important. Indeed, the coronation was referred to as a "consecration. | Nevertheless, as a religious ceremony affirming the divine rights of kings, the coronation was a supremely important rite. Indeed, the coronation was referred to as a "consecration," thus the French name for Reims, ''la cité des sacres'' (with ''sacres'' indicating consecrated coronation.) Thus for Joan, Charles was not King until he was ceremonially and by the authority of the Church crowned. | ||
François Garivel, the King's Councillor-Genéral, related, <ref>Murray, p. 244</ref> | |||
<blockquote>When I asked Jeanne why she called the King Dauphin, and not King, she replied that she should not call him King till he had been crowned and anointed at Rheims, to which city she meant to conduct him.</blockquote> | <blockquote>When I asked Jeanne why she called the King Dauphin, and not King, she replied that she should not call him King till he had been crowned and anointed at Rheims, to which city she meant to conduct him.</blockquote> | ||
But | But Reims was surrounded by Burgundian-held territory. After a frustrating month's delay back at Chinon following the relief of Orléans, Joan insisted upon and prevailed in leading clearing the passage to Reims for the coronation. | ||
Recollections of Joan's arrival to Vaucouleurs, where she needed to convince the French Captain, Robert de Baudricourt, to send her to Chinon, recall her mission as to "save France", such as Jean De Novelmport:<ref>Murray, p. 223</ref> | Recollections of Joan's arrival to Vaucouleurs, where she needed to convince the French Captain, Robert de Baudricourt, to send her to Chinon, recall her mission as to "save France", such as Jean De Novelmport:<ref>Murray, p. 223</ref> | ||
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<blockquote>Noble Dauphin! hold no longer these many and long councils, but come quickly to Rheims to take the crown for which you are worthy!"<ref>Murray, p. 238</ref></blockquote> | <blockquote>Noble Dauphin! hold no longer these many and long councils, but come quickly to Rheims to take the crown for which you are worthy!"<ref>Murray, p. 238</ref></blockquote> | ||
The path between the victory at Orléans and the the coronation at | The path between the victory at Orléans and the the coronation at Reims wrapped around a mixture of French court indecision, Joan's insistence on getting on with saving France, not just Orléans, and the next moves by the English. Joan's strategy was simple:<ref>From the testimony at the Trial of Rehabilitation by the squire Simon Beaucroix (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 268)</ref> <blockquote>Let us advance boldly in God’s Name </blockquote>The coronation did not have to take place, and without Joan's insistence it would not have taken place, at least not then and there. With the victory at Orléans the Dauphin and his court considered holding the coronation at Orléans instead of the rather inconvenient Burgundian-surrounded Reims.<ref>See [[wikipedia:March_to_Reims|March to Reims - Wikipedia]]</ref> Joan wouldn't have it differently, and we can understand why: had the French not asserted control of Reims, the English may have attempted to crown Henry VI as King of France there, as opposed to at Paris as they did in 1431 after Joan's death. Reims was under pressure from the Burgundians before Joan's campaign, so the coronation of Charles VII there was not merely symbolic, it would require a military victory that very importantly denied the English use of that same symbolism. | ||
A popular genre of Joan of Arc historiography focuses on her military exploits, generally seeking to answer questions such as, ''did Joan of Arc actually lead the French army? was she a brilliant tactician, or just a one-pony show of attack! attack! attack!? did she really do anything, or was she just a puppet dressed up like a knight?'' | A popular genre of Joan of Arc historiography focuses on her military exploits, generally seeking to answer questions such as, ''did Joan of Arc actually lead the French army? was she a brilliant tactician, or just a one-pony show of attack! attack! attack!? did she really do anything, or was she just a puppet dressed up like a knight?'' | ||
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"You will not have any more. Nevertheless, I heartily wish it might be before Saint John’s Day."<ref>The Feast of Saint John the Baptist is June 24.</ref></blockquote>The prediction came on March 1, 1431. Five years later, in April of 1436, Paris was delivered to the French through the Treaty of Arras, which ended the English alliance with the Duke of Burgundy and from which the English would never recover.<ref>Detractors will point out the the "English-French dual monarchy" persisted on the Continent another twenty years. They might as well say it went on for another 300 years, as George III still employed the title, "King of France." It was dropped upon adoption of the Act of Union of 1801.</ref> Skeptical historians will point out the English presence in France continued for another fifteen years, which is true but meaningless, as the English cause was lost with the Burgundian defection.<ref>By that logic, the Americans did not win the American Revolution until the War of 1812, or, the 1846 Oregon Treaty. In her book, Conquest, Barker admits that the Hundred Years War was now over: "Bedford’s death and Burgundy’s defection dealt a crippling blow to the English kingdom of France from which it would never recover." (Conquest, p. 231)</ref> Paris was the endgame, the "greater loss" that Joan had predicted. | "You will not have any more. Nevertheless, I heartily wish it might be before Saint John’s Day."<ref>The Feast of Saint John the Baptist is June 24.</ref></blockquote>The prediction came on March 1, 1431. Five years later, in April of 1436, Paris was delivered to the French through the Treaty of Arras, which ended the English alliance with the Duke of Burgundy and from which the English would never recover.<ref>Detractors will point out the the "English-French dual monarchy" persisted on the Continent another twenty years. They might as well say it went on for another 300 years, as George III still employed the title, "King of France." It was dropped upon adoption of the Act of Union of 1801.</ref> Skeptical historians will point out the English presence in France continued for another fifteen years, which is true but meaningless, as the English cause was lost with the Burgundian defection.<ref>By that logic, the Americans did not win the American Revolution until the War of 1812, or, the 1846 Oregon Treaty. In her book, Conquest, Barker admits that the Hundred Years War was now over: "Bedford’s death and Burgundy’s defection dealt a crippling blow to the English kingdom of France from which it would never recover." (Conquest, p. 231)</ref> Paris was the endgame, the "greater loss" that Joan had predicted. | ||
In 1449 the French retook Rouen, where Joan was martyred, and in 1453 the English suffered a final defeat at the Battle of Castillon, which ended three hundred years of English control of southwestern France. Those later victories were only possible with the Burgundian realignment at the 1435 Treaty of Arras, which was only made possible by Joan's military and political victories at Orléans and | In 1449 the French retook Rouen, where Joan was martyred, and in 1453 the English suffered a final defeat at the Battle of Castillon, which ended three hundred years of English control of southwestern France. Those later victories were only possible with the Burgundian realignment at the 1435 Treaty of Arras, which was only made possible by Joan's military and political victories at Orléans and Reims. | ||
Outside of her declarations regarding Orleans and the crowning of the Dauphin, this prophesy is her most significant -- and one that no one would or could have contemplated at the time, when the English were reinvigorated by her capture and had Henry VI crowned at Paris later in the year after her execution. | Outside of her declarations regarding Orleans and the crowning of the Dauphin, this prophesy is her most significant -- and one that no one would or could have contemplated at the time, when the English were reinvigorated by her capture and had Henry VI crowned at Paris later in the year after her execution. | ||
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Still, Joan's prophesy unfolded. | Still, Joan's prophesy unfolded. | ||
As the English-Burgundian alliance unwound, the English King returned home, the English leadership lost confidence, and the French warriors who were the most loyal to Joan started taking more and more land, especially around Paris. In 1435, with the death of the English Duke of Bedford, the Burgundians abandoned the alliance and signed the Treaty of Arras with the French. Soon after, the citizens of Paris opened the city gates to the Bastard of Orlėans and the French army. While it took another twenty years for the end of the Hundred Years War, the outcome by then was sealed, and Charles VII was able to not just consolidate his realm, but reorganize it politically and militarily, significantly contributing to the creation of the modern state in France.[[File:Treaty of Troyes cropped.jpg|thumb|<small>Path from Chinon to | As the English-Burgundian alliance unwound, the English King returned home, the English leadership lost confidence, and the French warriors who were the most loyal to Joan started taking more and more land, especially around Paris. In 1435, with the death of the English Duke of Bedford, the Burgundians abandoned the alliance and signed the Treaty of Arras with the French. Soon after, the citizens of Paris opened the city gates to the Bastard of Orlėans and the French army. While it took another twenty years for the end of the Hundred Years War, the outcome by then was sealed, and Charles VII was able to not just consolidate his realm, but reorganize it politically and militarily, significantly contributing to the creation of the modern state in France.[[File:Treaty of Troyes cropped.jpg|thumb|<small>Path from Chinon to Reims (Wikipedia, cropped)</small>]]Having liberated Orlėans in 1429 and leading the French army across France to clear the way for the Dauphin's coronation at Reims, to both sides Joan was either a witch or a prophet -- possessed by fiends, or of God. However, detraction is easier to sustain than faith, so the English held to their hatred of Joan longer than did the French their confidence in her. | ||
The Chancellor did not want an attack upon Paris, which is why immediately after the coronation of Charles VII, which he administered as Archbishop of | Following the coronation of Charles VII, with Joan at the height of her popularity, the Chancellor, whose goal was ever reconciliation with the Burgundian faction, not its defeat, worked to undermine her. For him, the Maid had at best served to put the issue on the table, but most inconvenient was all this insistence on taking Paris, which was a Burgundian property.<ref>de Chartre's Paris residence had been confiscated by the Burgundians (Pernoud, Her Story, p. 178)</ref> As Joan testified at the Rouen trial when questioned about the mystic, Catherine de la Rochelle, whom Joan dismissed,<ref>Murray, p. 53</ref><blockquote>She told me she wished to visit the Duke of Burgundy in order to make peace. I told her it seemed to me that peace would be found only at the end of the lance.</blockquote>The Chancellor did not want an attack upon Paris, which is why immediately after the coronation of Charles VII, which he administered as Archbishop of Reims, he went to Saint Denis to negotiate a truce with the English to work around all this trouble Joan had caused. Thus, upon her capture by the Burgundians in May of 1430, de Chartres was downright enthusiastic, announcing publicly to his diocese:<blockquote>God had suffered that Joan the Maid be taken because she had puffed herself up with pride and because of the rich garments which she had taken it upon herself to wear, and because she had not done what God had commanded her, but had done her own will.<ref>Pernoud, Her Story, p. 99 What's remarkable about this statement is that it entirely endorses Joan's claims of divine guidance -- just says she lost it through pride. The historian Pernoud asserts that de Chartres "was finally converted to her view later, when it again became apparent that only the use of armed force would be effective" against the English, but she doesn't seem to pursue that line, noting in her summary of de Chartres that after the coronation, "from then on Regnault returned to his former grand design for peace through a rapprochement with Burgundy" (p. 178)</ref> </blockquote>Gerson had died by then, so we can't know his reaction. But Gélu's diocese issued prayers for her release, which were repeated across France, including,<ref>Pernoud, Her Story, pp. 99-100</ref> <blockquote>that the Maid kept in the prisons of the enemies may be freed without evil, and that she may complete entirely the work that You have entrusted to her. </blockquote>Nevertheless, it was de Chartres who controlled French policy, and despite regular Burgundian duplicity he kept trying to negotiate a settlement. After Joan's capture, only minor battles and outright defeats followed, so Joan's legitimacy further faded -- as did de Chartre's need to put up with her. | ||
Historians have attributed Charles' treatment of Joan after his coronation to cynicism and opportunism. I'm not convinced, as he was subject to the machine as much as he was its head. He ended up playing both sides, letting Joan go forth against the English and Burgundians while withholding the resources she needed to prosecute the program. Joan's capture, which was a direct consequence of the French transition from Joan's aggression to the Chancellor's diplomacy, became the excuse to abandon her program altogether upon her capture. | Historians have attributed Charles' treatment of Joan after his coronation to cynicism and opportunism. I'm not convinced, as he was subject to the machine as much as he was its head. He ended up playing both sides, letting Joan go forth against the English and Burgundians while withholding the resources she needed to prosecute the program. Joan's capture, which was a direct consequence of the French transition from Joan's aggression to the Chancellor's diplomacy, became the excuse to abandon her program altogether upon her capture. | ||
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== The Babylonian Captivity == | == The Babylonian Captivity == | ||
Joan herself was born amidst an ongoing papal schism. When she was five years old, the "Western Schism"<ref>The Eastern Schism would be the earlier break with the Easter church at Byzantium.</ref> of 1378 was finally settled with a consensus selection at Rome of Pope Martin V, although two rival claims persisted.<ref>The Schism was ended by the Council of Constance (1414–1418) that was made possible by the 1415 resignation of the Roman Pope Gregory XII. The Council deposed the sitting Avignon (anti)Pope, Benedict XIII, and another (anti)Pope at Rome, John XXIII, and then elected in 1417 Martin V. Originally backed by certain French bishops and various regions in Italy and Germany, John XXIII left Rome but ended up surrendering and being tried for heresy. The Avignon (anti)Pope Benedict XIII fled to the protection of the King of Aragon, continuing his claim as Pope of Avignon. His successor under the Aragon King was Clement VIII (1423-1429) although a dissenting Cardinal (of four who selected Clement) from Rodiz, France, in 1424 made a one-man appointment of his sacristan as (anti)Pope Benedict XIV.</ref> However, the antipope from Avignon, Benedict XIII, refused to concede, and he moved to Spain under the protection of the King of Aragon who used his presence there for leverage on other issues with Rome. It was Benedict's successor, the antipope Clement VIII who twelve years later finally gave up on the project on July 26, 1429 when the King of Aragon withdrew his support for him.<ref>The Aragon King Alfonso V did not have the support of the Aragon bishop in his backing of Clement VIII, but he did so in his pursuit of Naples. When antipope Clement VIII abdicated, he and his supporting Bishops held a proforma election for Martin V (who was already Pope), thus affirming their loyalty, as well as to perform a penitential ''in forma'' submission to Martin.</ref> Note the date: Joan's triumph at Orléans was in May and the coronation of Charles VII at | Joan herself was born amidst an ongoing papal schism. When she was five years old, the "Western Schism"<ref>The Eastern Schism would be the earlier break with the Easter church at Byzantium.</ref> of 1378 was finally settled with a consensus selection at Rome of Pope Martin V, although two rival claims persisted.<ref>The Schism was ended by the Council of Constance (1414–1418) that was made possible by the 1415 resignation of the Roman Pope Gregory XII. The Council deposed the sitting Avignon (anti)Pope, Benedict XIII, and another (anti)Pope at Rome, John XXIII, and then elected in 1417 Martin V. Originally backed by certain French bishops and various regions in Italy and Germany, John XXIII left Rome but ended up surrendering and being tried for heresy. The Avignon (anti)Pope Benedict XIII fled to the protection of the King of Aragon, continuing his claim as Pope of Avignon. His successor under the Aragon King was Clement VIII (1423-1429) although a dissenting Cardinal (of four who selected Clement) from Rodiz, France, in 1424 made a one-man appointment of his sacristan as (anti)Pope Benedict XIV.</ref> However, the antipope from Avignon, Benedict XIII, refused to concede, and he moved to Spain under the protection of the King of Aragon who used his presence there for leverage on other issues with Rome. It was Benedict's successor, the antipope Clement VIII who twelve years later finally gave up on the project on July 26, 1429 when the King of Aragon withdrew his support for him.<ref>The Aragon King Alfonso V did not have the support of the Aragon bishop in his backing of Clement VIII, but he did so in his pursuit of Naples. When antipope Clement VIII abdicated, he and his supporting Bishops held a proforma election for Martin V (who was already Pope), thus affirming their loyalty, as well as to perform a penitential ''in forma'' submission to Martin.</ref> Note the date: Joan's triumph at Orléans was in May and the coronation of Charles VII at Reims occurred on July 17. | ||
There is an interesting parallel to Joan in the Schism itself, precipitated by Pope Gregory XI's move from Avignon to Rome in 1377, ending the uncontested "Avignon Papacy" but prompting the schismatic, French-backed papacy back at Avignon. Known as the "Babylonian Captivity," the official Avignon papacy lasted through seven Popes across sixty-seven years. We see in these events an inversion of antagonists from that of Joan's day: Where the English provoked God's wrath in the Hundred Year's War, the French caught themselves up in less-than-holy entanglements during the Avignon period, which ended only after the intervention of another female Saint, Catherine of Sienna. | There is an interesting parallel to Joan in the Schism itself, precipitated by Pope Gregory XI's move from Avignon to Rome in 1377, ending the uncontested "Avignon Papacy" but prompting the schismatic, French-backed papacy back at Avignon. Known as the "Babylonian Captivity," the official Avignon papacy lasted through seven Popes across sixty-seven years. We see in these events an inversion of antagonists from that of Joan's day: Where the English provoked God's wrath in the Hundred Year's War, the French caught themselves up in less-than-holy entanglements during the Avignon period, which ended only after the intervention of another female Saint, Catherine of Sienna. | ||