Saint Joan of Arc (Jeanne la Pucelle): Difference between revisions

Two of the "Seventy Articles" of accusation against Joan referenced her standard. Here from Article XX:<ref>Murray, p. 349. The other accusation, discussed above, was in Article LVIII and focused on the standard as "display and vanity" and neither "religion nor piety" (see Murray, p. 361)</ref>        <blockquote>She hath put faith in her ring, in her banner, in certain pieces of linen, and pennons which she carried or caused to be carried by her people, and also in the sword found by revelation, according to her, at Saint Catherine de Fierbois, '''saying that these things were very fortunate'''. She made thereon many '''execrations'''<ref>uttering curses; from ''ex-'' (out) + ''sacrare'' (sacred) for "out of the sacred"</ref> '''and conjurations''', in many and divers places, publicly asserting that by them she would do great things and would obtain victory over her enemies; that to those of her people who carried pennons of this kind '''no ill could happen'''.<ref>thus a heretical charm</ref> [emphasis mine]        </blockquote>The reading of the Seventy Articles took two days, and Joan was asked to respond to each. She generally responded, as she did to Article XX, with,          <blockquote>I refer to what I have already said.<ref>She was amazing. Articles XXVII, XXVIII, XXIS, and XXX regarded letters she had written, which, apparently, were re-read (?), as the record reads, "What have you to say on these Articles, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, which have been read to you with great care, from the first word to the last?" She hilariously responded, "I refer to what I answered on Article XXVI." To Article XXVI she had responded, "I refer to what I said before." (Murray, p. 351) One hopes that the notary, Massieu, laughed to himself over this one.</ref>        </blockquote>Although she did offer larger denials or corrections. Here she added,          <blockquote>In all I have done there was never any sorcery or evil arts. As for the good luck of my banner, I refer it to the fortune sent through it by Our Lord.        </blockquote>Among offenses, Joan's use of the ''fleur-de-lis'' was especially repugnant to representatives of a pretender to the French throne.[[File:Clovis_recevant_la_fleur_de_lys_-_XVe_siècle.jpg|left|thumb|346x346px|<small>Angel bringing the Golden Lilly to Clovis, from the 15th century Bedford Book of Hours (Wikipedia)</small> ]]

As every football fan knows, the logo of the New Orleans Saints is the herald of the House of Bourbon and a primary symbol of France itself. If you look it up on Wikipedia, you will learn that early kings of France were fond of a pretty yellow flower that grew along the River Lis, and that Clovis first adopted it as a herald after his baptism at Reims. In Catholic France, however, the legend holds that an angel, or even the Virgin Mary herself, presented "the golden lily" to Clovis as a symbol of purification at his baptism.<ref>If you must, here: [[wikipedia:Fleur-de-lis#Origin|Fleur-de-lis - Wikipedia]] (assessed 1/20/2025). The entry notes, "There is a fanciful legend about Clovis which links the yellow flag explicitly with the French coat of arms." Scroll down to [[wikipedia:Fleur-de-lis#France|Fleur-de-lis#France - Wikipedia]] and you will learn about the "propagandist connection" of the ''fleur-de-lis'' to Clovis having been adopted by Charlemagne and later French king. Well, it's a hugely important symbol and deeply connected to the ''Saint Ampoule'', which held the Chrism Oil for the consecration (anointment) of French kings. See this article in French, [http://www.salve-regina.com/index.php?title=La_sainte_ampoule La sainte ampoule — Salve Regina], (assessed 1/20/2025) for the Catholic view of the "holy ampulle" brought by a white dove upon the prayers of Saint Remi for the baptism of Clovis at Reims. It was this act of anointment that was supremely important for Charles VII's coronation there. </ref> Whatever the origin, the ''fleur-de-lis'' became a tremendously important symbol for the divine right of French kings.<ref>Abolished, of course, during the French Revolution.</ref>             

Charles V, the Dauphin Charles' grandfather, reduced the royal coat of arms, the ''France Ancien'', with a field of golden lilies, to just three to mark the Holy Trinity and more clearly his divine right. We can see, then, how freaked out were the Rouen judges, and by extension, the English, at Joan's assertion upon her battle flag of the divine rule of the French monarchy.             

Knights typically displayed a banner, but a full standard was of high rank only, as each banner, sequentially, represented battle segments. That Joan was allowed a full standard tells us of not only her authority, but of her resolve. Joan's Voices ordered their design and procurement. We can see it as her will done, fine, that she insisted upon them, but that she was allowed them may rank among the miracles that laid her path. Why would the French have even allowed it? A battle standard is, ultimately, the king's message, especially one as explicit in its message as was Joan's. That standard spoke not just Joan's message, but her endorsement from the Dauphin, which was trumpeted by its rise with the Maid on the march to Orléans.         

We hear from a priest Pierre Campaing, how Joan by order, example, or elicitation, brought the French army to Catholic piety through the Sacraments:<ref>Murray, p. 250.  Oddly spelled name but repeated the same in Pernoud, "The Retrial of Joan of Arc," p. 131</ref>        <blockquote>I have seen Jeanne, at the Elevation of the Host, weeping many tears. I remember well that she induced the soldiers to confess their sins; and I indeed saw that, by her instigation and advice, La Hire and many of his company came to confession.        </blockquote>The absolution for sins not only frees one of the guilt of sin but reorients one to right purpose. That is, repent, yes, but sin no more, which Joan insisted upon. We hear from witnesses, such as the squire Simon Baucroix,<ref>Murray, p. 268</ref>        <blockquote>She would not permit any of those in her company to steal anything; nor would she ever eat of food which she knew to be stolen. Once, a Scot told her that he had eaten of a stolen calf: she was very angry, and wanted to strike the Scot for so doing.        </blockquote>Joan famously taught La Hire to curse more appropriately, using '''Par mon martin'' ("by my baton") instead of the Lord's name. Even the Duke,d'Alençon was compelled to watch his mouth around her. Louis de Contes, of an important Orleans family, recalled,<ref>Murray, p. 264</ref><blockquote>To hear blasphemies upon the Name of Our Lord vexed her. Many times when the Duke d'Alençon swore or blasphemed before her, I heard her reprove him. As a rule, no one in the army dared swear or blaspheme before her, for fear of being reprimanded.</blockquote>The Duke mentioned it himself, admitting,<ref>Murray, p. 280</ref><blockquote>She was very vexed if she heard any of the soldiers swear. She reproved me much and strongly when I sometimes swore; and when I saw her I refrained from swearing.</blockquote>

Remarkably, what we do not hear of from her military compatriots any mention, other than from those who provided her with them at Vaucouleurs, much less any complaints, of her male attire. Jean Dunois, son of the Duke of Orléans, and "Lieutenant-General of the King,"<ref>From his testimony, Murray, p. 232</ref> doesn't mention her clothing. And neither does the overall commander, the Duke d'Alençon.  

For the French bishops at Poitiers, her male dress was an impediment to her endorsement but was accepted not just as an expedient but as Biblically consistent with the examples of the female warriors Deborah and Judith. The problem for the clerics was not her attire but whether or not she was "from God."<ref>Thus comparisons arose of Joan to the Delphic sibyls who spoke the words of divine prophesy. These were Greek myths adopted by medieval Christians as female seers, who prophesized the coming of Christ. The "Libyan Sibyl" appears in the Sistine Chapel. For Christian adoption of Sibyls, see [https://divinenarratives.org/the-sibylline-oracles-origins-influences-and-early-christian-impact/ The Sibylline Oracles: Origins, Influences, and Early Christian Impact - DivineNarratives] (accessed 1/20/25)</ref> Once it was discerned that Joan was from God, then affirmed by the events ("signs" that Joan had promised) at Orleans, the matter of her dress was dropped. In his post-Orleans ''apologia'', or defense of Joan, ''De mirabili victoria'' ("Miraculous Victory") Bishop Jean Gearson, address the matter of her dress, as it was his concern. The logic from Poitiers was that if she was from God, she'd win at Orléans. She won, and was, therefore, from God. Gerson still felt compelled to defend her attire. He argued,<ref>Translation from Fraioli, p. 211. Here in French from, [https://archive.org/details/traitdejeanger00monn/page/24/mode/2up Traité de Jean Gerson sur la Pucelle : Monnoyeur, J.S (Archive,org)], (p. 24): "Cette loi, ni en tant qu'elle est Jifdicielle, ni en tant qu'elle est morale, ne condamne le port du costume viril et guerrier en notre Pucelle, qui est guerrière et fait oeuvre virile, que des signes indubitables prouvent avoir été choisie par le Roi du ciel, comme son porte-étendard aux yeux de tous, pour écraser les ennemis de la justice et en relever les défenseurs, pour confondre par la main d'une femme, d'une jeune fille, d'une vierge, les puissantes armes de l'iniquité; en cette Pucelle, enfin entourée du secours des anges, avec lesquels la virginité forme un lien d'amitié et de parenté, comme le dit saint Jérôme et comme on le voit fréquemment dans les histoires des saints — dans celle de Cécile, par exemple, — où ils apparaissent avec des couronnes de lis et des roses. Par là, encore, la Pucelle est justifiée de s'être fait couper les cheveux, malgré la prohibition que l'Apôtre semble en avoir faite aux femmes." And In the original in Latin: Lex hujusmodi nec ut judicialis est, nec ut moraiis, damnât usum vestis virilis et militaris in Puella nostra virili et militari, quam ex certis signis elegit Rex cœlestis omnium, tanquam vexilliferam, ad conterendos hostes jus- titiae, et amicos sublevandos, ut in manu feminae puellaris et virginis, confundat fortia iniquitatis arma, auxiliantibus angelis, quibus virginitas amica est et cognata, secundum Hieronymum, et in sacris historiis fréquenter apparuit  : sicut in Cecilia visibiliter, cum coronis ex rosis et liliis. Rursus per hoc salvatur attonsio crinium, quam Apostolus prohibere videtur in femina." (p. 40)</ref>  <blockquote>This law, matter insofar as it is judicial, nor insofar as it is moral, condemns the wearing of manly and wearing like clothes by the maid who was a warrior and acts in a manly manner, while unquestionable signs proved that she has been chosen by the king of heaven as his standard bearer in the eyes of everyone to crush the enemies of justice and to revive its defenders; To overthrow by the hand of a woman, a young girl, a virgin the powerful weapons of iniquity; This made finally surrounded by helpful angels with whom their virginity forms a link of friendship and relationship, as Saint Jerome says and it is frequently seen in the history of Saints dash cecile's for instance dash where they appear with crowns of lillies and roses  </blockquote>As did the soldiery around her, the Bishop realized that if God sent the Maid to save France by arms then she needed to dress accordingly. Throughout the Trial of Rehabilitation, the only mention of Joan's male attire concerned witnesses to the Rouen Trial, or first encounters with her at Vaucouleurs, where she was given men's clothing and a horse to ride to Chinon, and in the early days of figuring her out by the French "Doctors" at Poitiers. For the English and their Burgundian clerics, the opposite was assumed, thus the Rouen court's infatuation with her clothes: she was sent by demons, so her dress was demonic, too.     

Upon its conclusion, the Grand Inquisitor of the Trial of Rehabilitation, Jean Bréhal, issued a summary of his findings which historically, logically and precisely tore into the Rouen show trial, denuding it of all its premises and manipulations. The authors of the 1893 re-publication of Bréhal's ''Summary'', provide Bréhal's conclusion as regards Joan's male attire:<ref>[https://archive.org/details/jean-brehal-grand-inquisiteur-de-france/page/n131/mode/2up Jean Bréhal, Grand Inquisiteur de France, et la Réhabilitation of Jeanne D'Arc by Belon, Marie-Joseph; Balme, François (Archive.org)], p 117. Translation here is mine. From the original French: "La question ainsi résolue au point de vue théorique, l'inquisiteur ajoute qu'en fait Jeanne avait d'excellentes raisons — souvent invoquées par elle au cours du procès — pour se justifier d'avoir adopté l'usage d'un costume masculin. Oblisée par sa mission à vivre au milieu des soldats, elle protégeait sa pudeur et celle des autres, que sa jeunesse et les vêlements de son sexe auraient exposée à des violences ou à des désirs coupables. Les lois civiles, aussi bien que les lois ecclésiastiques, proclament la suffisañce de ces motifs, et par conséquent l'honnèteté de sa conduite."</ref>    <blockquote>The question thus resolved from the theoretical point of view, the inquisitor adds that, in fact, Joan had excellent reasons -- which she often invoked during the trial -- to justify having adopted the use of male attire. Obliged by her mission to live among the soldiers, she protected her modesty and that of others, whom her youth and female clothing would have exposed to violence or shameful desires. The civil laws, as well as the ecclesiastical laws, proclaim the sufficiency of these motives, and consequently the honesty of her conduct.  </blockquote>It's an interesting point, there, about protecting the modesty of others. Modern historians denigrate -- mock, even -- the testimony of men who slept by Joan or saw her in the flesh when injured, who attested to feelings of chastity around her. Jean de Metz, who accompanied her to Chinon said,<ref>Murray, p. 225</ref>    <blockquote>On the way, Bertrand and I slept every night by her — Jeanne being at my side, fully dressed. She inspired me with such respect that for nothing in the world would I have dared to molest her ; also, never did I feel towards her — I say it on oath — any carnal desire.  </blockquote>Were she in that worn red dress, would he have felt differently? Well, no, because she would never have been in that dress, as her Voices had instructed her to put on a pair of pants. She told the Rouen court,<ref>Testimony, Feb 22, 1431. From the transcript: "'Who counselled you to take a man's dress?' To this question she several times refused to answer. In the end, she said: 'With that I charge no one.' Many times she varied in her answers to this question. Then she said: 'Robert de Baudricourt made those who went with me swear to conduct me well and safely. 'Go,' said Robert de Baudricourt to me, 'Go! and let come what may!' I know well that God loves the Duke of Orleans; I have had more revelations about the Duke of Orleans than about any man alive, except my King. It was necessary for me to change my woman's garments for a man's dress. My counsel thereon said well.'" (Murray, p. 12)</ref>  <blockquote>It was necessary for me to change my woman's garments for a man's dress. My counsel thereon said well.  </blockquote>Sadly, the modern vision of Saint Joan of Arc as a cross-dresser mirrors the Rouen court's obsession with her as demonic. It simply didn't matter to the French, who not only were not confused by it, but celebrated her as placed that way by God. As was Gerson, who recognized the absurdity of sending a girl to lead an army, any incredulity regarding her <small>dress was irrelevant to the larger problem of how, ''par'' ''mon martin,'' did this young girl do what she did? Faith dissolves such questions.</small>   

A crucial aspect of leadership is authenticity, so as a military leader her to male attire was a necessary baseline and otherwise unimportant. Far more important was her presence before the armor, in armor, holding either a lance or her battle flag -- on a horse.  

At Rouen, the inquisitors spoke of horses frequently, but only about their expense, as they wanted to prove Joan dishonest and corrupt. One would think it far more astonishing that the Maid could ride a warhorse than that somebody gave her one. Nevertheless, that was their purpose, especially a warhorse, which was expensive:<ref>"Private Inquiries" (i.e, in the Bishop's house because they were tired of her genius replies that made them look bad), between May 4-9. (Murray, p. 59)</ref>  <blockquote>Had you, when you were taken, a horse, charger, or hackney?  </blockquote><blockquote>I was on horseback; the one which I was riding when I was taken was a demi-charger.</blockquote><blockquote>Who had given you this horse?</blockquote>A the Trial went on through February, 1431 Joan provided more detail about her Voices. On February 22, she gave a condensed view of the period of time from May, 1428, when she first went to Vaucouleurs, to October of that year, when the siege of Orléans began, to February of 1429 when Captain Baudricourt agreed to send her to Chinon:<ref>Murray, pp. 10-11</ref><blockquote>

When I heard it for the third time, I recognized that it was the Voice of an Angel. This Voice has always guarded me well, and I have always understood it;  It said to me two or three times a week: "You must go into France." My father knew nothing of my going. The Voice said to me : "Go into France! " I could stay no longer. It said to me: "Go, raise the siege which is being made before the City of Orleans. Go!" it added, "to Robert de Baudricourt, Captain of Vaucouleurs: he will furnish you with an escort to accompany you." '''And I replied that I was but a poor girl, who knew nothing of riding or fighting.''' I went to my uncle and said that I wished to stay near him for a time. I remained there eight days. I said to him, "I must go to Vaucouleurs." He took me there. When I arrived, I recognized Robert de Baudricourt, although I had never seen him. I knew him, thanks to my Voice, which made me recognize him. I said to Robert, "I must go into France!" Twice Robert refused to hear me, and repulsed me. The third time, he received me, and furnished me with men; the Voice had told me it would be thus. [emphasis mine]</blockquote>Somehow, between May of 1428 and March of 1429, Joan developed martial skills that not only amazed those who saw her, but confounds historians who understand that handling a lance the way Joan did takes years of training. The Duke d'Alencon recalled among his first encounters with Joan,<ref>Murray, p. 274</ref><blockquote>After dinner the King went for a walk; Jeanne coursed before him, lance in hand. Seeing her manage her lance so well I gave her a horse.</blockquote>How do the historians explain this? Hagiographic, reconstructed memories. Note, though, that the English had no doubt of Joan's prowess on a horse, and the extent to which they and the Burgundians celebrated having taken her down from one upon her capture at Compiègne.

Pernoud continues with "A story, repeated in a letter from Guy de Laval," that I will relate from the source, as in the letter to his mother, dated June 8, 1429, de Laval says he saw it happen. He is stunned by the moment as he watches Joan display not just horsemanship, but command of people as well, and holiness:<ref>Letter of Guy de Laval, June 8, 1429, related by M. François Guzot in  

[https://archive.org/details/popularhisfrance03guizrich/page/112/mode/2up? A popular history of France; from the earliest times : Guizot, M. (François), 1787-1874  (Archive.org); Vol III], p. 113</ref>  

It seems a thing divine to look on her and listen to her. I saw her mount on horseback, armed all in white armor, save her head, and with a little axe in her hand, on a great black charger, which, at the door of her quarters, was very restive, and would not let her mount. Then said she, "Lead him to the cross," which was in front of the neighboring church, on the road. There she mounted him without his moving, and as if he were tied up; and turning towards the door of the church, which was very nigh at hand, she said, in quite a womanly voice, "You, priests and church-men, make procession and prayers to God." Then she resumed her road, saying, "Push forward, push forward."

Having inspired the army through heraldry, faith, and credible soldiery, Joan still needed to exercise practical leadership, which means on the field leading by example. She not only wanted ''á l'arm!'' and now, she wanted to be at the front of the attack:   <blockquote>On this day La Hire commanded the vanguard, at which Jeanne was much vexed, for she liked much to have the command of the vanguard<ref>Murray, p. 263</ref>        </blockquote>from Murray p. 32:<blockquote>"Which fortress was being attacked when you made your men retire ? "

" I do not remember. I was quite certain of raising the siege of Orleans ; I had revelation of it. I told this to the King before going there."

 

" No ; a hundred and even more of my people were wounded. I had said to them : 'Be fearless, and you will raise the siege.' Then, in the attack on the Bridge fortress, I was wounded in the neck by an arrow or cross-bolt ; ^ but I had great comfort from Saint Catherine, and was cured in less than a fortnight. I did not interrupt for this either my riding or work. I knew quite well that I should be wounded ; I had told the King so, but that, notwithstanding, I should go on with my work. This had been revealed to me by the Voices of my two Saints,^ the blessed Catherine and the blessed Margaret. It was I who first planted a ladder against the fortress of the Bridge, and it was in raising this ladder that I was wounded in the neck by this crossbolt."</blockquote>>>here Strategic and tactical genius<blockquote>It was said that Jeanne was as expert as possible in the art of ordering an army in battle, and that even a captain bred and instructed in war could not have shown more skill; at this the captains marvelled exceedingly<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 297</ref></blockquote>>>here:  artillery         

 

We see in the testimony of Sieur de Gaucourt that after the investigation into Joan ordered by the Dauphin, as frustrating as it was for her, as she wanted to get moving right away instead, the inquiries had the effect of ramping up enthusiasm. Joan was not alone in wanting to get moving to "save France." Sieur de Gaucourt recalled,<blockquote>After numerous interrogations, they ended by asking her what sign she could furnish, that her words might be believed? “The sign I have to shew,” she replied, “is to raise the siege of Orleans!”  </blockquote>Imagine to hear that from this young girl with her hair shorn, and dressed like a squire. There she is, annoyed and impatient, and there they are, expectant but unsure, defaulting to, essentially, "we don't find anything wrong in her," and she goes straight at it.   

Joan was so self-sure, so pious, so consistent, and so competent that people believed her. She told everyone she met flatly, such as she said in front of the Dauphin's squire:<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, 265</ref> <blockquote>I am come from the King of Heaven to raise the siege of Orleans and to conduct the King to Rheims for his crowning and anointing. </blockquote>At the Trial of Rehabilitation, the Count du Dunois, known in Joan's time as "the Bastard of Orléans," stated,<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 232</ref> <blockquote>I think that Jeanne was sent by God, and that her behaviour in war was a fact divine rather than human. </blockquote>He says, "I think," not "I thought," so it was a reflection made years later. But at the time, the Bastard, who was in charge of the defense of Orléans. freely submitted to Joan's orders and leadership. Whatever he thought at the time, looking back, it only made sense to him that she was truly sent by God. 

 

Joan acted "boldly",<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 349</ref> as she testified, but entirely free of pretense. When John II, Duc d'Alençon, arrived to Chinon having gotten word of "a young girl who said she was sent by God,"<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 274. The Duke had only just been released from capture by the English, having sold all his possessions to pay the ransom, for which he was called the "poorest man in France" ([[wikipedia:John_II,_Duke_of_Alençon|John II, Duke of Alençon - Wikipedia]]). However poor he was, when the messenger sent to him from Chinon arrived, he was hunting quail. He testified, "When Jeanne arrived at Chinon, I was at Saint Florent. One day, when I was hunting quails, a messenger came to inform me that there had come to the King a young girl, who said she was sent from God to conquer the English and to raise the siege then undertaken by them against Orleans" (Murray, p. 274)</ref> he first encountered her in conversation with his distant cousin, the Dauphin,<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p. 274.</ref> <blockquote>I found Jeanne talking with the King. Having approached them, she asked me who I was. “It is the Duke d’Alençon,” replied the King. “You are welcome,” she then said to me, “the more that come together of the blood of France the better it will be.” </blockquote>The next day he saw her leading the Dauphin on a walk, carrying a lance:<ref>Murray p. 274. In [https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b007l3yq BBC In Our Time, The Siege of Orleans] episode, May 25, 2007 (accessed 1/4/2025, min 17:23), historian Ann Curry says that she can't imagine that Joan knew how to "tilt" with a lance, which took years of training. (Rather wise of Professor Curry to affirm God's hand...) Various witnesses testified to her use of a lance, including Marguerite La Touroulde who said, "She rode on horseback and handled the lance like the best of the knights, and the soldiers marvelled." (Murray p. 272)</ref><blockquote>Seeing her manage her lance so well I gave her a horse. </blockquote>The Duke was convinced: Joan was authentic. Her prophesies had not yet been fulfilled, so he was acting on intuition and observation. After Orléans, of course, everyone believed, such as the until-then doubtful Bishop Gerson who upon Joan's victory at Orléans wrote his ''apologia'' for her. 

 

The Duke d’Alençon subsequently and personally experienced another of her miraculous interventions at the Battle of Jargeau, after Orléans:<ref>Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, p 278-279</ref> <blockquote>Jeanne said to me: “Go back from this place, or that engine”—pointing out an engine of war in the city—“will kill you.” I retired, and shortly after that very engine did indeed kill the Sieur de Lude in that very place from which she told me to go away. On this account I had great fear, and wondered much at Jeanne’s words and how true they came. </blockquote>To follow Joan was to believe in her, for, as Bishop Gerson wrote, the downside to a defeat with a woman would be a disaster -- as it was when Joan was captured and confidence in her faded.   

Until then, to confront Joan in battle was to believe, as well, as we heard from the English general's letter to his King, attributing his loss at Orléans to the French to his troop's "lack of firm faith, and unlawful doubt that they had of a disciple and limb of the devil, called the Maid, who used false enchantments and sorcery."<ref>''of lakke of sadded believe, and of unlevefull doubte that thei hadded of a disciple and lyme of the Feende, called the Pucelle, that used fals enchauntements and sorcerie.''</ref> Indeed, we might attribute the ferocity of the Trial at Rouen and the rush to burn her to the shame of having been humiliated by a girl.<ref>Joan's 1906 children's biographer Andrew Lang does: "They wished to have her proved a witch, and one who dealt with devils, to take away the shame of having been defeated by a girl, and also to disgrace the French King by making the world believe that he had been helped by a sorceress and her evil spirits." ([https://archive.org/details/storyofjoanofarc00langiala/page/98/mode/1up?q=shakespeare The story of Joan of Arc : Lang, Andrew], Archive.org)</ref>   

Above all else, it was Joan's piety that astounded and gave foundation to her proclamations. So many of the witnesses at her Trial of Rehabilitation recall her in prayer, including at Vaucouleurs, Chinon and during the campaigns. (She even made it once to a Mass on the way to Chinon, although she wanted to go more).  

On completing their investigation of Joan, which lasted almost a month, the Dauphin's theologians and experts concluded, according to the Dauphin's squire, Gobert Thibault, they were convinced,<ref>Murray, p. 266</ref>  <blockquote>I heard the said Lord Confessor and other Doctors say that they believed Jeanne to be sent from God, and that they believed it was she of whom the prophecies spoke; because, seeing her actions, her simplicity, and conduct, they thought the King might be delivered through her; for they had neither found nor perceived aught but good in her, nor could they see anything contrary to the Catholic faith.</blockquote>As she approached Orléans at the head of the army, Joan met with the primary French general at the city, Jean Dunois, the Bastard of Orléans. Dunois had been ordered by the Court to lead Joan's army away from the city and take

to take Chécy first. The idea was to present a diversion to the English at Orléans. Joan was furious.<blockquote>Are you the Bastard of Orléans?

Yes, I am, and I rejoice your coming.

Are you the one who gave orders for me to come here, on this side of the river so that I could not go directly to Talbot [English commander] and the English?</blockquote>The Bastard explained that the "wisest" men around him had advised the action.<blockquote>In God's name, the counsel of Our Lord God is wiser and safer than yours. You thought that you could fool me, and instead you fool yourself; I bring you better help than ever came to you from any soldier to any city: It is the help of the King of Heaven. This help comes not for love of me but from God Himself, who at the prayer of St. Louis and of St. Charlemagne has had pity on the city of Orléans. He has not wanted the enemy to have both the body of the lord of Orléans and his city. </blockquote>Joan there goes for it -- Saints Louis and Charlemagne?  These are not just founders of France, these are the founders of '''Catholic''' France.

To the Bastard's surprise, and in support of an order from Joan to move supplies by the river, the winds changed, allowing for the operation.<ref>Joan's confessor, Jean Pasquerel, told the Trial of Rehabilitation, "The French had with them a convoy of supplies; but the 284 water was so shallow that the boats could not move up-stream, nor could they land where the English were. Suddenly the waters rose, and the boats were then able to land on the shore where the [French] army was. Jeanne entered the boats, with some of her followers, and thus came to Orleans" (Jeanne D‘arc, by T. Douglas Murray_The Trials_The Project Gutenberg eBook.pdf, pp. 284-5).</ref> The army crossed the Loire and entered the besieged city, which was stirred up and hopeful, finally. But Joan was forced to wait as the French army gathered and prepared. During this time, she wanted out to an embankment and yelled at the English to go home. They replied with insults<ref>A Burgundian Frenchman called the French with her "worthless mackerels," a sexual insult. Perhaps it's just one insult thrown at another, but since it was in the presence of Joan it demonstrates the English and Burgundian fear of Joan the Maid's presence, which must have disturbed them.</ref>, including one from an English commander that she was a "cowherd" and would be burned at the stake.

Impatient, impetuous, and sure, Joan was frustrated at the delays. Finally, some skirmishes commenced, with Joan leading one that took an English embankment. It was a small victory, but the first by the French, and invigorating for them. Joan, for her part, was dismayed by the violence, and prayed ceaselessly for the souls of her fallen soldiers, especially those who she feared had not confessed before their deaths. On Ascension Thursday, she sent a third letter of warning to the English to go home, signed <blockquote>Jesus-Maria

Joan the Maid</blockquote>Marvelous!<ref>In her last letter, she wrote a PS demanding they return her herald Guyenne whom they had detained when he brought an earlier letter to them. </ref> Since the English had held her herald who brought the first two letters, she sent the last by arrow. They English shouted, "Here's news from the whore of the Armagnacs!", which greatly distressed her.

Against various opinions, Joan ordered an assault, finally, and pushed the English back from a second fortification that they had moved to from a first which they abandoned. They were worried. The French commanders, though, exercised their usual defeatism, and begged Joan to just hold the city behind it's fortifications. Joan replied,<blockquote>Get up tomorrow very early in the morning, earlier than you did today, and do the best you can; keep cose to me, for tomorrow I will have much to do, more than I have ever done before; and tomorrow blood will leave my body above my breast.</blockquote>Joan led the assault, received an arrow in her upper chest, had it treated (without charms, as suggested, which she said would be sinful), and returned to the fight. An impasse followed, and even La Hire wanted to retire. Joan said, no, wait, and prayed in a nearby vineyard for about fifteen minutes. Then she grabbed her standard from her squire, and rushed towards the English embankment.  The French army spontaneously erupted in a charge to follow her and took the English stronghold. Orléans was saved.<ref>The battle took place across the river from Orléans, and freed the city from the English siege. Here for the [[wikipedia:Siege_of_Orléans|Siege of Orléans - Wikipedia]]</ref>

Joan's biographer makes an interesting notation following the description of the battle that the people of Orléans, who had been traumatized and abused by men at arms throughout the Hundred Years War, especially the mercenaries of one side or the other of the Armagnac-Burgundian civil war, received the army in celebration and joy:<blockquote>Under the command of the Maid, even warfare had briefly changed its face back to a world of honor<ref>[https://archive.org/details/joanofarcherstor00pern/page/49/mode/1up?view=theater Joan of Arc : her story : Pernoud, Régine], p. 50</ref></blockquote>